Bulibasa Ioan Tiriac, miliardar facut pe genunchii tatucului Ion Iliescu cu oportunitati grase oferite de Petre Roman, cat s-a vorbit public de colaborarea sportivilor cu Securitatea a uitat ca si-a inceput cariera dand Note Informative ca un amarat de turnator cu nume de cod "Titi Ionescu". Desigur, ce nu are CNSAS si, deci, nu se poate pronunta, este Dosarul sau de la SIE, de roman multi-prosper al regimului Ceausescu. Sa amintim cam ce gandea agentul miliardar al regimului Iliescu despre romanii care se impotriveau profitorilor loviturii de stat din decembrie 1989: "Bine ca minerii au curatat Piata Universitatii!". Aici gasiti Decizia CNSAS.
People Magazine, 1991: Tennis's Count Dracula Returns to Transylvania, with a Lot at Stake
"There is an opposition press now and some freedom to I ravel; still,
after the first wave of excitement, many Romanians again fear that
their phones are tapped or that they are being shadowed by secret
police. So far the U.S. is wary too; it has not offered Romania the
same trade status it has to Czechoslovakia and Poland.
This whole subject irritates Tiriac no end. "This is a
50-year-old paranoia," he insists. He calls the new government "very
progressive" and the new Prime Minister, Petre Roman, "a very dynamic
Tiriac doesn't think much of Romanians who oppose the new
government, which becomes clear as he pilots his car through University
Square. Last summer protesters were set upon here by a horde of
Romanian miners armed with clubs and sledgehammers. Internationally it
was the new government's worst black eye; President Ion Iliescu was
widely believed to have ordered the miners in.
"It was a good thing the demonstrators were finally cleaned
out of there," says Tiriac. "People are confusing democracy with
anarchy. If I were President, I'd create the biggest police force in
Europe. But people see police as power to oppress. So I'd change
uniform. Make them red or pink. Say, 'These pink people are to defend
my son crossing the street.' "
It is unclear how much Tiriac's countrymen might be dismayed
by his muscular view of democracy. Some Romanians, it appears, have
never trusted him anyway. "Among ordinary guys, he has always been very
popular," says Michael Radelescu, a native Romanian who writes computer
software and now lives in New York State. "But not so much among
intellectuals. Back during the Ceausescu period, anyone like Tiriac who
traveled outside the country a lot was assumed to be collaborating with
the regime. Whether it was true or not, I have no idea, but it was a
very common opinion." Now some Romanians object to Tiriac's
friendliness with the Iliescu government. The leading opposition paper,
Romania Libera, complained recently that the Prime Minister had
overridden a government vote and privately doled out 14 of Bucharest's
most gracious old homes to "chosen ones"—including his friend Tiriac,
who got long-term leases to two.
Tiriac is prowling the property of one of these now, a
lakefront house across from a compound of villas that Ceausescu once
inhabited. The place is handsome—five bedrooms, 7,000 square feet—but
he can't move in until renovations are completed."
Integral in Revista People August 05, 1991 Vol. 36 No. 4
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